Tag Archives: Russia

Putin’s OPEC tactics: Iran sanctions and the Saudis [IBD cites me]

dc-Cover-p9fbkcs8ccuhvnnnubuhqc2fn7-20161201210531.Medi

June 2018 OPEC meeting’s key players (AP)

Last week, Gillian Rich at Investor’s Business Daily (Washington), asked me (Berlin) and others about the OPEC’s 20-21 June meeting. Below here, I give my views in more detail, including the tie-in to the Trump project to isolate Iran and my comment about Putin likely betraying the Iranians again.  The IBD piece is here: Trump Could Make OPEC’s Next Meeting As Dysfunctional As G-7 Summit. 15 June ’18.

We spoke about market and geopolitical aspects. On the latter, I emphasized both the Trump Administration’s evolving plan to sanction and isolate Iran, and Russia’s new role as a central player with OPEC ever since the 2016 joint Russian-OPEC decision to raise production.

That’s when Putin played a new role for any Russian leader. Not only did he coordinate Russian oil policy with OPEC’s, he got personally involved in heated discussions, getting on the phone late in the last night with Iranian and Saudi leaders to get the deal sealed.

This new Russian role was clearly foreseen by al-Naimi, Saudi oil minister from 2014, before al-Falih replaced him as minister, to serve the new king, Salman, and his son Prince MbS.

In 2014, as prices were crashing, al-Naimi said that there was no way  nowadays that OPEC alone could cut sufficient production to reverse this. Indeed, he met with Russia and Mexico, at the insistence of Venezuela, before the late-2014 OPEC summit to see what these two  non-OPEC states were willing to do to help out.  At that time, the Russians (much less the Mexicans) were still unwilling to join with OPEC. So, instead of implementing cuts, al-Naimi led OPEC to increase production, declaring a (ultimately unsuccessful) price war against US shale producers, whose new cheap oil had been driving down prices.

Finally, in 2016, after almost two years of crushingly low prices, Russia was finally willing to come onboard late in the year, joining in the first-ever coordinated OPEC-Russian production cuts, and in the process Putin (and Rosneft’s Igor Sechin) personally played an essential role inside OPEC by cajoling the Iranians to go along with the Saudi-Russian plan – as per the aforementioned late-night phone  calls.

So, here we are another two years later, in mid-2018:  the Russia-Saudi, or OPEC/NOPEC combo has finally gotten the previous global oil glut and low-prices somewhat under control.  Aided by growing global demand for oil, their cuts have gotten storage in the USA and elsewhere down, and they have gotten lucky as long as US shale producers face temporary limits on getting their rapidly growing production to market for a lack of pipeline capacity to USA ports.

Now that they’ve begun to get some leverage over prices, Russia and the Saudis want to reign in prices from overheating.  At the same time, they have to make up for the death spiral in production caused by the Chavez- and Maduro-led collapse of the Venezuelan oil industry, and an expected decline in Iranian exports due to the Trump administration’s campaign to impose the “strongest sanctions in history” (Sec. of State Pompeo).    Continue reading

Advertisements

Pipe Dream? Polish ruling complicates Nord Stream 2 pipeline for Gazprom & EU partners [My Berlin Policy Journal piece]

bpj_online_odonnell_nordstream2_cutHere’s my latest analysis in Berlin Policy Journal (German Council on Foreign Relations -DGAP).Pipe Dream? The Nord Stream 2 pipeline project is in danger of being derailed.
THOMAS W. O’DONNELL , SEPTEMBER 22, 2016 

A pipeline project to double Gazprom’s export capacity to Europe has always been controversial. A recent ruling by Poland’s competition authority could seriously undercut the support it has accrued, leaving its European backers at odds.

The proposed Nord Stream 2 pipeline project has bitterly pitted European states that back the project, including Germany, the Netherlands, Austria, and France, against project opponents, including Ukraine, Poland, and other former Soviet-bloc states. The project aims to double the capacity of the existing huge, 55-billion-cubic-meter-per-year Nord Stream 1 pipeline, running in parallel to it under the Baltic Sea from near St. Petersburg in Russia directly to Greifswald in Germany.

This dispute has exposed two very different views of Gazprom, Russia’s state-owned gas-export monopoly, and of Vladimir Putin’s Russia itself – one side sees it as a “necessary” and “reliable” energy supplier, the other a dangerous and manipulative adversary. This dispute is but one more collision inflicting lasting harm on the European Project.

Polish competition authority rejects project

The latest row involves a ruling in late July by the Polish Office of Competition and Consumer Protection (Urzed Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentow, or UOKiK) rejecting an application by five private western European energy firms proposing to partner with Gazprom to build and operate Nord Stream 2. The firms are Germany’s E.ON (soon to be Uniper) and Wintershall, Austria’s OMV, Anglo-Dutch Shell, and France’s Engie.

Shortly before the Polish announcement, the five companies agreed to withdraw their association proposal to avoid UOKiK initiating a legal process against them. The commission’s president, Marek Niechcial, declared categorically on August 12 that the Polish rejection was definitive, asserting “This will stop the [Nord Stream 2] deal.” The five firms have nevertheless made it clear they are seeking a strategy to work around the decision, and expect to proceed as planned. Gazprom has said the same.

So why go through this proceeding in the first place? To understand these events better, I spoke with several experts and diplomats working on these matters in Moscow, Berlin, Washington, Paris, and Warsaw.

Commercial Arguments

An often-heard line of argument is that at least some of the five companies might actually have little commercial interest in the project, but need to preserve their relationships in Russia where they have large investments in energy projects. After all, the Kremlin has a track record of taking over projects from foreign partners with whom it has fallen out. A further theme in this vein is that Nord Stream 2 is not really needed in northwestern Europe, even though the Groningen field in the Netherlands and Norway’s reserves in the North Sea are declining, because future demand in northwestern Europe is overestimated and Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) will be available from the United States. This view led to press speculation that the five firms likely welcomed the Polish decision, allowing them a graceful exit.

However, virtually all the experts I spoke with had no doubt Nord Stream 2 would be a lucrative commercial enterprise over the long run, and that the five firms seem genuinely enthusiastic. Continue reading

My IP JOURNAL article | EU’s “Stress Test” of a Russian gas cutoff: Official optimism?

EC's Gas Stress Test: Would solidarity suffice to cope with any concerted Russian use of gas as a geopolitical weapon?  REUTERS/Wojciech Kardas/Agencja Gazeta

EC’s Gas Stress Test: Could the EU cope with a Russian use of gas as a geopolitical weapon?  REUTERS/Wojciech Kardas/Agencja Gazeta

What if Russia cuts off gas exports to EU states this winter?  This is a very possible means for Russian President Putin to escalate pressure on the EU and USA over the future of Ukraine. What could the EU do? The European Commission has just released the results of a simulation it ordered, involving 38 EU and neighboring states.   Here’s my analysis for the IP Journal of The German Council on Foreign Relations: Continue reading